Archive for April, 2008

40 Years Ago at Columbia…

Wednesday, April 23rd, 2008

A fellow blogger and activist sent me a piece from the N.Y. Times this morning that brought back a tumultuous time in my life and in the history of our country.  It is good to be reminded of the efforts that folks have been making to bring about social change and I particularly appreciated the connection that the editorial writer, Paul Auster, made to the effects of the draft on the students at Columbia who rebelled and took over the campus for a week in April of 1968.  He connects the dots about the policies of the university and their involvement in the Vietnam War – “since it was engaged in lucrative research projects for military contractors and thus was contributing to the war effort in Vietnam” – but he resists the temptation to connect what happened then with what is not happening now.  Certainly the draft features prominently in what caused the uprising at Columbia and lead to the “crazy” times about which  Auster writes.  Perhaps there are lessons to learn from those days.  Last night’s presidential primary results remind us that we are once again headed, as we were in ’68, for a very stormy Democratic convention as well.  Is unity possible given all of the mud-slinging that is characterizing the campaign?  Here’s what he had to say:



April 23, 2008

Op-Ed Contributor

The Accidental Rebel

It was the year of years, the year of craziness, the year of fire, blood and death. I had just turned 21, and I was as crazy as everyone else.

There were half a million American soldiers in Vietnam, Martin Luther King had just been assassinated, cities were burning across America, and the world seemed headed for an apocalyptic breakdown.

Being crazy struck me as a perfectly sane response to the hand I had been dealt — the hand that all young men had been dealt in 1968. The instant I graduated from college, I would be drafted to fight in a war I despised to the depths of my being, and because I had already made up my mind to refuse to fight in that war, I knew that my future held only two options: prison or exile.

I was not a violent person. Looking back on those days now, I see myself as a quiet, bookish young man, struggling to teach myself how to become a writer, immersed in my courses in literature and philosophy at Columbia. I had marched in demonstrations against the war, but I was not an active member of any political organization on campus. I felt sympathetic to the aims of S.D.S. (one of several radical student groups, but by no means the most radical), and yet I never attended its meetings and not once had I handed out a broadside or leaflet. I wanted to read my books, write my poems and drink with my friends at the West End bar.

Forty years ago today, a protest rally was held on the Columbia campus. The issue had nothing to do with the war, but rather a gymnasium the university was about to build in Morningside Park. The park was public property, and because Columbia intended to create a separate entrance for the local residents (mostly black), the building plan was deemed to be both unjust and racist. I was in accord with this assessment, but I didn’t attend the rally because of the gym.

I went because I was crazy, crazy with the poison of Vietnam in my lungs, and the many hundreds of students who gathered around the sundial in the center of campus that afternoon were not there to protest the construction of the gym so much as to vent their craziness, to lash out at something, anything, and since we were all students at Columbia, why not throw bricks at Columbia, since it was engaged in lucrative research projects for military contractors and thus was contributing to the war effort in Vietnam?

Speech followed tempestuous speech, the enraged crowd roared with approval, and then someone suggested that we all go to the construction site and tear down the chain-link fence that had been erected to keep out trespassers. The crowd thought that was an excellent idea, and so off it went, a throng of crazy, shouting students charging off the Columbia campus toward Morningside Park. Much to my astonishment, I was with them. What had happened to the gentle boy who planned to spend the rest of his life sitting alone in a room writing books? He was helping to tear down the fence. He tugged and pulled and pushed along with several dozen others and, truth be told, found much satisfaction in this crazy, destructive act.

After the outburst in the park, campus buildings were stormed, occupied and held for a week. I wound up in Mathematics Hall and stayed for the duration of the sit-in. The students of Columbia were on strike. As we calmly held our meetings indoors, the campus was roiling with belligerent shouting matches and slugfests as those for and against the strike went at one another with abandon. By the night of April 30, the Columbia administration had had enough, and the police were called in. A bloody riot ensued. Along with more than 700 other people, I was arrested — pulled by my hair to the police van by one officer as another officer stomped on my hand with his boot. But no regrets. I was proud to have done my bit for the cause. Both crazy and proud.

What did we accomplish? Not much of anything. It’s true that the gymnasium project was scrapped, but the real issue was Vietnam, and the war dragged on for seven more horrible years. You can’t change government policy by attacking a private institution. When French students erupted in May of that year of years, they were directly confronting the national government — because their universities were public, under the control of the Ministry of Education, and what they did initiated changes in French life. We at Columbia were powerless, and our little revolution was no more than a symbolic gesture. But symbolic gestures are not empty gestures, and given the nature of those times, we did what we could.

I hesitate to draw any comparisons with the present — and therefore will not end this memory-piece with the word “Iraq.” I am 61 now, but my thinking has not changed much since that year of fire and blood, and as I sit alone in this room with a pen in my hand, I realize that I am still crazy, perhaps crazier than ever.

Paul Auster is the author of the forthcoming “Man in the Dark.”

N.Y. Times Article – All the Time He Needs – Worth Reading

Thursday, April 17th, 2008

There are times when it pays to read the Times. This editorial is definitely one. With neither the scathing attack many publications are understandably succumbing to delivering, nor the woe-are-us mentality of some of the progressive journals, this piece goes to the heart of the matter in the wake of the latest words from Gen. Petraeus and the failures of the Iraqi army and government to make good on its promises. The proposals offered are reasonable and essential if there is to be any hope that the next president will not inherit an utterly impossible quagmire. There is also acknowledgement, especially in the closing line, that these recommendations may very well fall on deaf ears, which will perpetuate the suffering of the Iraqi people and our military as well as the further anger and disillusionment of our citizenry.

ALL THE TIME HE NEEDS

Editorial – April 14, 2008

President Bush said last week that he told his Iraq war commander, Gen. David Petraeus, that “he’ll have all the time he needs.” We know what that means. It means that the general, like the Iraqi government, should feel no pressure to figure a way out of this disastrous war. It means that even after 20,000 troops come home there will be nearly 140,000 American troops still fighting there — with no plan for further withdrawals and no plan for leading them to victory.

It means, as we’ve always suspected, that Mr. Bush’s only real strategy for Iraq has been to hand the mess off to his successor. Mr. Bush gave himself all the time he needs to walk away from one of the biggest strategic failures in American history.

General Petraeus and Ryan Crocker, the American ambassador to Baghdad, did not try to hide any of that in their Stay-the-Course 2008 Tour. There were the obligatory claims of military and political progress, but with a lot less specificity than during Stay-the-Course 2007. Mr. Crocker did not even bother to bring charts assessing Iraqi performance on political benchmarks. General Petraeus’s charts showed that American troop numbers would come down to around 140,000 this summer — but showed nothing beyond that.

When members of Congress pressed him to explain what would have to change on the ground for him to agree to further withdrawals, the general did not have an answer. He certainly is not getting any pressure from the White House to come up with one. As they say in the military, Mr. Bush is a short-timer, so why should he worry?

Whoever wins the presidency will not have the same luxury. He or she will have to start quickly planning for an orderly withdrawal. Even Senator John McCain will have to realize that America’s forces cannot sustain this pace for much longer. Earlier this month, The Times reported that repeated battlefield tours have so debilitated American troops that Army leaders fear for their mental health. Last week, Gen. Richard A. Cody, the Army vice chief of staff, warned Congress that the demand for troops in Iraq and Afghanistan “exceeds the sustainable supply.”

Mr. Bush cut Army combat tours in Iraq from 15 months to 12, but the Pentagon said that will not relieve the strains on troops and their families or allow the United States to send the reinforcements it desperately needs to Afghanistan.

The faltering American economy also cannot afford this never-ending war. Mr. Bush’s description of his latest emergency spending request as a “reasonable $108 billion” proves just how out of touch he is with fiscal reality. His attempt to justify the overall $600 billion cost so far by comparing his war to the cold war and the need to stop “Soviet expansion” shows that he is even more out of touch with strategic reality.

We believe that the fight against Al Qaeda is the central battle for this generation, but Mr. Bush’s claim that Iraq is the main front is wrong. That is Afghanistan, and the United States is in real danger of losing because Mr. Bush’s failed adventure in Iraq is eating up the Pentagon’s resources and attention.

It is clear that Mr. Bush has no intention of coming up with an exit strategy, but even now there are things he could be doing to give his successor a better shot at containing the chaos after American troops leave.

Press for Real Political Reforms

The surge was supposed to give Iraqi politicians breathing room to make necessary political reforms. They still have not agreed on a law to equitably divide the country’s oil wealth, or rules for this fall’s provincial elections.

The performances in Washington last week merely confirmed what the Iraqis knew: the president is just playing out his string. Mr. Bush might have more luck telling Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki the truth: if the Democrats win in November, the days of enabling will certainly be over, and that is likely to happen even if the Republicans hold the White House. If they know the Americans will not be there to guarantee their survival, Iraq’s leaders might be more open to compromise.

Make the Iraqis Pick Up the Check

Even some of the war’s most enthusiastic G.O.P. backers on Capitol Hill are joining the Democrats to demand that the Iraqis start paying for military training and the fuel bill for American soldiers. We suspect that has a lot to do with voters’ fury over high gasoline prices, the mortgage crisis and the lagging economy.

The Iraqi government is estimated to keep $27 billion in reserves in its central bank, $30 billion more in American banks and tens of billions of dollars elsewhere. If they have to pick up more of the check, Iraqi leaders may be more eager to focus on political reform and improved military training.

Really Talk to the Neighbors

Mr. Bush announced that he is dispatching senior American diplomats to the region to urge Arab states to do more to help Iraq, starting with reopening their embassies in Baghdad. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will also attend a conference of neighboring states and another aid-pledging meeting.

The problem goes far beyond embassies and aid. Foreign fighters are not the war’s main driver but they are a lethal problem. And once American troops withdraw, the temptation to meddle — by Iran and Syria but also by Turkey and Saudi Arabia — will be immense.

All these countries need to understand that chaos in Iraq is a threat to everyone, and there is no guarantee that it will not spill over Iraq’s borders. More bullying and bluster from the president is not likely to get that message across. Nor are canned speeches at conferences. Mr. Bush needs to send his top officials for serious one-on-one discussions with all of Iraq’s neighbors, including Iran and Syria.

REFUGEES

There are now an estimated 2.4 million Iraqi refugees — mostly in Syria and Jordan — and 2.7 million more Iraqis displaced within their own country. The United States bears direct responsibility, and it needs to do a lot more to help these people survive and find safe refuge, back in Iraq or in other countries. It also needs to — humbly and urgently — ask its allies in Europe, Asia and the region for help.

Beyond the intolerable human suffering, huge flows of refugees could spread Iraq’s conflict far beyond its own borders. This is not a problem that can continue to be ignored.

An Honest Assessment of Iraq’s Army

This White House has been spinning on Iraq for so long that we suppose we should thank Mr. Maliki for his recent reality check: his decision to send Iraqi forces into Basra to oust militias loyal to the radical cleric Moktada al-Sadr.

It was not a pretty sight. One thousand Iraqi soldiers and police officers refused to fight or deserted their posts. The battle ended with no winner and only after the Iranians helped broker a cease-fire. President Bush and General Petraeus owe the country a rigorous and honest assessment of the American training program, starting with what went wrong in Basra. What needs to be changed now to increase the chances that the Iraqi Army will eventually be able to fight its own battles? How long, realistically, will it take for that to happen?

Mr. Bush’s capacity for denial is limitless. Perhaps he believes that the next president will continue this misadventure without any end in mind, let alone in sight. Even then he owes it to his successor to use his remaining nine months in office to try to address Iraq’s myriad problems. That will not excuse Mr. Bush’s serial failures. But it may increase the chances for the inevitable withdrawal to be as orderly as possible.

Mr. Bush has all the time he needs, but Iraq’s suffering civilians do not, and neither do its masses of refugees, the bloodied and strained United States armed forces, or the American public.

A RESPONSIBLE PLAN TO END THE IRAQ WAR

Thursday, April 17th, 2008

While the presidential election process is bogged down by the media’s need to distract us from what matters in this country, the Bush administration plan for Iraq centers around long-term bases and decades of occupation. If McCain manages to become president this plan will continue.  We know that such a plan is both morally unjust and militarily unsustainable.  Here’s what my long distance company CREDO has to say about what’s else is happening:

“The American people want to end the occupation, yet Congress has not taken steps to withdraw from Iraq. Now, several dozen congressional candidates have signed on to “A Responsible Plan to End the War in Iraq” which was created by national security experts and retired generals.”

The “Responsible Plan to End the War in Iraq” includes clear steps to:

1. End U.S. Military Action in Iraq
2. Use U.S. diplomatic power
3. Address humanitarian concerns
4. Restore our Constitution
5. Restore our military
6. Restore independence to the media
7. Create a new, U.S.-centered energy policy

This plan is comprehensive and encouraging to read.  You can view the full plan at: http://www.responsibleplan.com/

WINTER SOLDIER ’08 – SPEAKING TRUTH TO POWER-MONGERS

Wednesday, April 9th, 2008

The following article appeared in the April 7th issue of THE NATION. It was written by Laila Al-Arian, who is a freelance journalist and author, with Chris Hedges, of the forthcoming COLLATERAL DAMAGE: AMERICA’S WAR AGAINST THE IRAQI CIVILIANS based on their 2007 Nation article “The Other War”. Ms. Al-Arian was witness to the recent Winter Soldier gathering in D.C. and her article chronicles some of what she heard. It is difficult to read, though the testimony of the Iraqi veterans was even more disturbing and painful to watch, but the stories need to be heard for there to be a chance that the public will prevent a continuation of business as usual if McCain were to be elected president. I particularly appreciated her including a quote from a “former marine Scott Camil, 61, who spoke at the first Winter Soldier event, and attended the conference along with seven fellow Vietnam-era witnesses. ‘When we came home, the World War II and Korean War veterans did not support our activities. I know how that feels,’ Camil said quietly. “We’re not going to let it happen to these guys.”

So, if you can bring yourself to read the article, please find ways to share its contents with anyone who continues to believe in “the mission”. Eyes need to be opened. Truth needs to be told about what is really taking place in our name. I am also making available some of the video interviews that were conducted by Ms. Al-Arian during the hearings. Please feel free to forward any of this material.

Winter Soldiers Speak

by LAILA AL-ARIAN

[from the April 7, 2008 issue]

While on tank patrol through the narrow streets of Abu Ghraib, just west of Baghdad, Pfc. Clifton Hicks was given an order. Abu Ghraib had become a “free-fire zone,” Hicks was told, and no “friendlies” or civilians remained in the area. “Game on. All weapons free,” his captain said. Upon that command, Hicks’s unit opened a furious fusillade, firing wildly into cars, at people scurrying for cover, at anything that moved. Sent in to survey the damage, Hicks found the area littered with human and animal corpses, including women and children, but he saw no military gear or weapons of any kind near the bodies. In the aftermath of the massacre, Hicks was told that his unit had killed 700-800 “enemy combatants.” But he knew the dead were not terrorists or insurgents; they were innocent Iraqis. “I will agree to swear to that till the day I die,” he said. “I didn’t see one enemy on that operation.”

Hicks soberly recounted this bloody incident to a packed auditorium in Silver Spring, Maryland, as part of Winter Soldier: Iraq and Afghanistan, a summit hosted March 13-16 by Iraq Veterans Against the War (IVAW). Modeled after the 1971 Winter Soldier Investigation–in which Vietnam veterans testified in Detroit about US atrocities in Vietnam–this incarnation featured more than fifty veterans and active-duty service members testifying about engaging in or witnessing atrocities and war crimes against Iraqi and Afghan civilians. As a precondition for participation, IVAW required veterans to provide corroborating evidence such as photographs, videos and additional witnesses. Former marine Scott Camil, 61, who spoke at the first Winter Soldier event, attended the conference along with seven fellow Vietnam-era witnesses. “When we came home, the World War II and Korean War veterans did not support our activities. I know how that feels,” Camil said quietly. “We’re not going to let it happen to these guys.”

Soldiers and marines at Winter Soldier described the frustration of routinely raiding the wrong homes and arresting the wrong people. It was common for unarmed Iraqis to be killed at US checkpoints or by US convoys, they said. Many said they were congratulated on their “first kill.” Some even desecrated Iraqi corpses. Spc. Hart Viges said he refused to pose in a photograph with a corpse when his fellow soldiers prodded him. “I said no–not in the context of, That’s really wrong on an ethical basis,” he said. “I said no because it wasn’t my kill. You shouldn’t take trophies for things you didn’t kill. That’s where my mind-set was back then.”

Several veterans said it was common to carry a stash of extra automatic weapons and shovels to plant near the bodies of unarmed civilians they had killed to make it look as if they were combatants. Others described the surreal sensation of committing cold-blooded murder without facing any consequences. Jon Michael Turner, who served as a machine gunner with Kilo Company, Third Battalion, Eighth Marines, said he shot an unarmed Iraqi in front of the man’s father and friend. “The first round didn’t kill him, after I had hit him up here in his neck area. And afterwards he started screaming and looked right into my eyes. So I looked at my friend…and I said, ‘Well, I can’t let that happen.’ So I took another shot and took him out. He was then carried away by the rest of his family.” Later, Turner pointed to a tattoo on his right wrist of the Arabic words for “fuck you.” “That was my choking hand,” he explained. “And any time I felt the need to take out aggression, I would go ahead and use it.”

Watch The Nation‘s video coverage of this event in an original documentary by Laura Hanna and Astra Taylor:

“This is not an isolated incident,” the testifiers uttered over and over, to the point of liturgy, insisting that the atrocities they committed or witnessed were common. The hearings were not organized to point fingers at “bad apples” or even particular squads, several testifiers said.IVAW issued an impassioned statement that condemned not only US military tactics but the occupation itself. “The military is being asked to win an occupation,” the statement read. “The troops on the ground know this is an impossible task…. We have a political problem that cannot be solved with a military solution. This is not a war that can be won. It is an occupation that can only be ended.”

While the Winter Soldiers offered a searing critique of the military’s treatment of civilians, which they described as alternately inhumane and sadistic, they also empathized with fellow soldiers thrust into a chaotic urban theater where the lines between combatants and civilians are blurred. “It’s criminal to put such patriotic Americans…in a situation where their morals are at odds with their survival instincts,” said Adam Kokesh, who served as a Marine sergeant in the raid on Fallujah in 2004.

For active-duty soldiers and veterans, testifying about combat duty carries new risks–including the possibility of being charged in military court for complicity in war crimes or in federal court under the War Crimes Act of 1996. But such concerns were not enough to silence their voices. “If it’s a choice between sitting in cowardice and not speaking up against things that are wrong or being court-martialed, I’ll take the court-martial,” said Selena Coppa, 25, an active-duty military intelligence sergeant and one of several women who spoke at the hearings.

During the last day, photographs of nameless Iraqi dead flashed on large screens. Army Sgt. Kristofer Goldsmith took the photos on May 15, 2005, a day he remembered as “very hot, uncomfortable and miserable.” Goldsmith was ordered to photograph a dozen Iraqis who were presumably murdered and dumped in a large landfill. But the photos were not taken to identify the dead or assist the Iraqi police investigation. “They were used for morale purposes,” Goldsmith remarked bitterly. “[Soldiers] bombarded me to copy my pictures. They made videos of them to send home to their friends and families to brag, ‘This is war. This is what we did to the Iraqis.’”

The Winter Soldier hearings also featured Iraqi testifiers like Salam Talib, a 33-year-old computer engineering student. Though Talib said he was encouraged to see so many US veterans describing their experiences in frank terms, the testimonies were not much of a revelation for him. “What the American soldiers are talking about is everyday life for Iraqis. They’re not even talking about 10 percent of what’s happening there,” Talib remarked with a shrug. “They are simply giving credibility to the stories that have been told over and over from Iraq by journalists, Iraqis and humanitarian organizations. The American soldiers are saying, ‘We’re here, we did it and it’s true.’ ”


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